Barry Goldwater's Acceptance
of the 1964 Republican Presidential Nomination
To my good friend and great Republican, Dick Nixon, and your charming wife, Pat;
my running mate and that wonderful Republican who has served us well for so long,
Bill Miller and his wife, Stephanie; to Thurston Morton who has done such a
commendable job in chairmaning this Convention; to Mr. Herbert Hoover, who I hope
is watching; and to that great American and his wife, General and Mrs.
Eisenhower; to my own wife, my family, and to all of my fellow Republicans here
assembled, and Americans across this great Nation.
From this moment, united and determined, we will go forward together, dedicated
to the ultimate and undeniable greatness of the whole man. Together we will win.
I accept your nomination with a deep sense of humility. I accept, too, the
responsibility that goes with it, and I seek your continued help and your
continued guidance. My fellow Republicans, our cause is too great for any man to
feel worthy of it. Our task would be too great for any man, did he not have with
him the heart and the hands of this great Republican Party, and I promise you
tonight that every fiber of my being is consecrated to our cause; that nothing
shall be lacking from the struggle that can be brought to it by enthusiasm, by
devotion, and plain hard work. In this world no person, no party can guarantee
anything, but what we can do and what we shall do is to deserve victory, and
victory will be ours.
The good Lord raised this mighty Republic to be a home for the brave and to
flourish as the land of the free-not to stagnate in the swampland of
collectivism, not to cringe before the bully of communism.
Now, my fellow Americans, the tide has been running against freedom. Our people
have followed false prophets. We must, and we shall, return to proven ways-- not
because they are old, but because they are true. We must, and we shall, set the
tide running again in the cause of freedom. And this party, with its every
action, every word, every breath, and every heartbeat, has but a single resolve,
and that is freedom - freedom made orderly for this nation by our constitutional
government; freedom under a government limited by laws of nature and of nature's
God; freedom - balanced so that liberty lacking order will not become the slavery
of the prison cell; balanced so that liberty lacking order will not become the
license of the mob and of the jungle.
Now, we Americans understand freedom. We have earned it, we have lived for it,
and we have died for it. This Nation and its people are freedom's model in a
searching world. We can be freedom's missionaries in a doubting world. But,
ladies and gentlemen, first we must renew freedom's mission in our own hearts and
in our own homes.
During four futile years, the administration which we shall replace has distorted
and lost that faith. It has talked and talked and talked and talked the words of
freedom. Now, failures cement the wall of shame in Berlin. Failures blot the
sands of shame at the Bay of Pigs. Failures mark the slow death of freedom in
Laos. Failures infest the jungles of Vietnam. And failures haunt the houses of
our once great alliances and undermine the greatest bulwark ever erected
by free nations - the NATO community. Failures proclaim lost leadership, obscure
purpose, weakening wills, and the risk of inciting our sworn enemies to new
aggressions and to new excesses. Because of this administration we are tonight a
world divided - we are a Nation becalmed. We have lost the brisk pace of
diversity and the genius of individual creativity. We are plodding at a pace set
by centralized planning, red tape, rules without responsibility, and
regimentation without recourse.
Rather than useful jobs in our country, people have been offered bureaucratic
"make work," rather than moral leadership, they have been given bread and
circuses, spectacles, and, yes, they have even been given scandals.
Tonight there is violence in our streets, corruption in our highest offices,
aimlessness among our youth, anxiety among our elders and there is a virtual
despair among the many who look beyond material success for the inner
meaning of their lives. Where examples of morality should be set, the opposite is
seen. Small men, seeking great wealth or power, have too often and too long
turned even the highest levels of public service into mere personal
Now, certainly, simple honesty is not too much to demand of men in government. We
find it in most. Republicans demand it from everyone. They demand it from
everyone no matter how exalted or protected his position might be.
The growing menace in our country tonight, to personal safety, to life, to limb
and property, in homes, in churches, on the playgrounds, and places of business,
particularly in our great cities, is the mounting concern, or should be, of
every thoughtful citizen in the United States.
Security from domestic violence, no less than from foreign aggression, is the
most elementary and fundamental purpose of any government, and a government that
cannot fulfill that purpose is one that cannot long command the loyalty of its
citizens. History shows us - demonstrates that nothing - nothing prepares the way
for tyranny more than the failure of public officials to keep the streets from
bullies and marauders.
Now, we Republicans see all this as more, much more, than the rest: of mere
political differences or mere political mistakes. We see this as the result of a
fundamentally and absolutely wrong view of man, his nature and his destiny.
Those who seek to live your lives for you, to take your liberties in return for
relieving you of yours, those who elevate the state and downgrade the citizen
must see ultimately a world in which earthly power can be substituted for divine
will, and this Nation was founded upon the rejection of that notion and upon the
acceptance of God as the author of freedom.
Those who seek absolute power, even though they seek it to do what they regard as
good, are simply demanding the right to enforce their own version of heaven on
earth. And let me remind you, they are the very ones who always create the most
hellish tyrannies. Absolute power does corrupt, and those who seek it must be
suspect and must be opposed. Their mistaken course stems from false notions
of equality, ladies and gentlemen. Equality, rightly understood, as our founding
fathers understood it, leads to liberty and to the emancipation of creative
differences. Wrongly understood, as it has been so tragically in our time, it
leads first to conformity and then to despotism.
Fellow Republicans, it is the cause of Republicanism to resist concentrations of
power, private or public, which enforce such conformity and inflict such
despotism. It is the cause of Republicanism to ensure that power remains in
the hands of the people. And, so help us God, that is exactly what a Republican
president will do with the help of a Republican Congress.
It is further the cause of Republicanism to restore a clear understanding of the
tyranny of man over man in the world at large. It is our cause to dispel the
foggy thinking which avoids hard decisions in the illusion that a world of
conflict will somehow mysteriously resolve itself into a world of harmony, if we
just don't rock the boat or irritate the forces of aggression - and this is
It is further the cause of Republicanism to remind ourselves, and the world, that
only the strong can remain free, that only the strong can keep the peace.
Now, I needn't remind you, or my fellow Americans regardless of party, that
Republicans have shouldered this hard responsibility and marched in this cause
before. It was Republican leadership under Dwight Eisenhower that kept the peace,
and passed along to this administration the mightiest arsenal for defense the
world has ever known. And I needn't remind you that it was the strength and the
unbelievable will of the Eisenhower years that kept the peace by using our
strength, by using it in the Formosa Straits and in Lebanon and by showing it
courageously at all times.
It was during those Republican years that the thrust of Communist imperialism was
blunted. It was during those years of Republican leadership that this world moved
closer, not to war, but closer to peace, than at any other time in the three
decades just passed.
And I needn't remind you - but I will - that it's been during Democratic years
that our strength to deter war has stood still, and even gone into a planned
decline. It has been during Democratic years that we have weakly stumbled into
conflict, timidly refusing to draw our own lines against aggression, deceitfully
refusing to tell even our people of our full participation, and tragically,
letting our finest men die on battlefields (unmarked by purpose, unmarked by
pride or the prospect of victory).
Yesterday it was Korea. Tonight it is Vietnam. Make no bones of this. Don't try
to sweep this under the rug. We are at war in Vietnam. And yet the President, who
is Commander-in-Chief of our forces, refuses to say - refuses to say, mind you,
whether or not the objective over there is victory. And his Secretary of Defense
continues to mislead and misinform the American people, and enough of it has
And I needn't remind you, but I will; it has been during Democratic years that a
billion persons were cast into Communist captivity and their fate cynically
Today in our beloved country we have an administration which seems eager to deal
with communism in every coin known - from gold to wheat, from consulates to
confidence, and even human freedom itself.
The Republican cause demands that we brand communism as a principal disturber of
peace in the world today. Indeed, we should brand it as the only significant
disturber of the peace, and we must make clear that until its goals of
conquest are absolutely renounced and its rejections with all nations tempered,
communism and the governments it now controls are enemies of every man on earth
who is or wants to be free.
We here in America can keep the peace only if we remain vigilant and only if we
remain strong. Only if we keep our eyes open and keep our guard up can we prevent
war. And I want to make this abundantly clear - I don't intend to let
peace or freedom be torn from our grasp because of lack of strength or lack of
will - and that I promise you Americans.
I believe that we must look beyond the defense of freedom today to its extension
tomorrow. I believe that the communism which boasts it will bury us will,
instead, give way to the forces of freedom. And I can see in the distant and yet
recognizable future the outlines of a world worthy our dedication, our every
risk, our every effort, our every sacrifice along the way. Yes, a world that will
redeem the suffering of those who will be liberated from tyranny. I can see and I
suggest that all thoughtful men must contemplate the flowering of an Atlantic
civilization, the whole world of Europe unified and free, trading openly across
its borders, communicating openly across the world. This is a goal far, far more
meaningful than a moon shot.
It's a truly inspiring goal for all free men to set for themselves during the
latter half of the twentieth century. I can also see - and all free men must
thrill to - the events of this Atlantic civilization joined by its great ocean
highway to the United States. What a destiny, what a destiny can be ours to stand
as a great central pillar linking Europe, the Americans and the venerable and
vital peoples and cultures of the Pacific. I can see a day when all the Americas,
North and South, will be linked in a mighty system, a system in which the errors
and misunderstandings of the past will be submerged one by one in a rising tide
of prosperity and interdependence. We know that the misunderstandings of
centuries are not to be wiped away in a day or wiped away in an hour. But we
pledge - we pledge that human sympathy - what our neighbors to the South call
that attitude of "simpatico" - no less than enlightened self'-interest will be
I can see this Atlantic civilization galvanizing and guiding emergent nations
I know this freedom is not the fruit of every soil. I know that our own freedom
was achieved through centuries, by unremitting efforts by brave and wise men. I
know that the road to freedom is a long and a challenging road. I know also that
some men may walk away from it, that some men resist challenge, accepting the
false security of governmental paternalism.
And I pledge that the America I envision in the years ahead will extend its hand
in health, in teaching and in cultivation, so that all new nations will be at
least encouraged to go our way, so that they will not wander down the dark alleys
of tyranny or to the dead-end streets of collectivism. My fellow Republicans, we
do no man a service by hiding freedom's light under a bushel of mistaken
I seek an American proud of its past, proud of its ways, proud of its dreams, and
determined actively to proclaim them. But our example to the world must, like
charity, begin at home.
In our vision of a good and decent future, free and peaceful, there must be room
for deliberation of the energy and talent of the individual - otherwise our
vision is blind at the outset.
We must assure a society here which, while never abandoning the needy or
forsaking the helpless, nurtures incentives and opportunity for the creative and
the productive. We must know the whole good is the product of many single
I cherish a day when our children once again will restore as heroes the sort of
men and women who - unafraid and undaunted - pursue the truth, strive to cure
disease, subdue and make fruitful our natural environment and produce the
inventive engines of production, science, and technology.
This Nation, whose creative people have enhanced this entire span of history,
should again thrive upon the greatness of all those things which we, as
individual citizens, can and should do. During Republican years, this again will
be a nation of men and women, of families proud of their role, jealous of their
responsibilities, unlimited in their aspirations - a Nation where all who can
will be self-reliant.
We Republicans see in our constitutional form of government the great framework
which assures the orderly but dynamic fulfillment of the whole man, and we see
the whole man as the great reason for instituting orderly government in the first
We see, in private property and in economy based upon and fostering private
property, the one way to make government a durable ally of the whole man, rather
than his determined enemy. We see in the sanctity of private property the only
durable foundation for constitutional government in a free society. And beyond
that, we see, in cherished diversity of ways, diversity of thoughts, of motives
and accomplishments. We do not seek to lead anyone's life for him - we seek only
to secure his rights and to guarantee him opportunity to strive, with government
performing only those needed and constitutionally sanctioned tasks which cannot
otherwise be performed.
We Republicans seek a government that attends to its inherent responsibilities of
maintaining a stable monetary and fiscal climate, encouraging a free and a
competitive economy and enforcing law and order. Thus do we seek inventiveness,
diversity, and creativity within a stable order, for we Republicans define
government's role where needed at many, many levels, preferably through the one
closest to the people involved.
Our towns and our cities, then our counties, then our states, then our regional
contacts - and only then, the national government. That, let me remind you, is
the ladder of liberty, built by decentralized power. On it also we must have
balance between the branches of government at every level.
Balance, diversity, creativity - these are the elements of Republican equation.
Republicans agree, Republicans agree heartily to disagree on many, many of their
applications, but we have never disagreed on the basic fundamental issues of
why you and I are Republicans.
This is a party, this Republican Party, a Party for free men, not for blind
followers, and not for conformists.
Back in 1858 Abraham Lincoln said this of the Republican party - and I quote him,
because he probably could have said it during the last week or so: "It was
composed of strained, discordant, and even hostile elements" in 1858. Yet all of
these elements agreed on one paramount objective: To arrest the progress of
slavery, and place it in the course of ultimate extinction.
Today, as then, but more urgently and more broadly than then, the task of
preserving and enlarging freedom at home and safeguarding it from the forces of
tyranny abroad is great enough to challenge all our resources and to require all
our strength. Anyone who joins us in all sincerity, we welcome. Those who do not
care for our cause, we don't expect to enter our ranks in any case. And let our
Republicanism, so focused and so dedicated, not be made fuzzy and futile by
unthinking and stupid labels.
I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And let
me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.
The beauty of the very system we Republicans are pledged to restore and
revitalize, the beauty of this Federal system of ours is in its reconciliation of
diversity with unity. We must not see malice in honest differences of opinion,
and no matter how great, so long as they are not inconsistent with the pledges we
have given to each other in and through our Constitution. Our Republican cause is
not to level out the world or make its people conform in computer-regimented
sameness. Our Republican cause is to free our people and light the way for
liberty throughout the world.
Ours is a very human cause for very humane goals.
This Party, its good people, and its unquestionable devotion to freedom, will not
fulfill the purposes of this campaign which we launch here now until our cause
has won the day, inspired the world, and shown the way to a tomorrow worthy of
all our yesteryears.
I repeat, I accept your nomination with humbleness, with pride, and you and I are
going to fight for the goodness of our land. Thank you.