Address on Behalf of Senator Barry Goldwater
Rendezvous with Destiny
October 27, 1964
On the evening of 27 October 1964, Ronald Reagan delivered a nation-wide
paid political telecast on behalf of the presidential candidacy of Barry
Goldwater. His presentation was so forceful and engaging that Reagan, hitherto
little considered a political figure, became overnight a political force in the
Republican party. Although Goldwater lost to Lyndon Johnson in an landslide and
Richard Nixon captured the nomination - and the presidency - in 1968, Reagan's
reputation was firmly established and he recovered the fortunes of the Republican
party with his victory in the presidential election of 1980.
Thank you very much. Thank you and good evening. The sponsor has been
identified, but unlike most television programs, the performer hasn't been
provided with a script. As a matter of fact, I have been permitted to choose
my own ideas regarding the choice that we face in the next few weeks.
I have spent most of my life as a Democrat. I recently have seen fit to
follow another course. I believe that the issues confronting us cross party
lines. Now, one side in this campaign has been telling us that the issues of
this election are the maintenance of peace and prosperity. The line has been
used "We've never had it so good."
But I have an uncomfortable feeling that this prosperity isn't something on
which we can base our hopes for the future. No nation in history has ever
survived a tax burden that reached a third of its national income. Today, 37
cents of every dollar earned in this country is the tax collector's share, and
yet our government continues to spend $17 million a day more than the
government takes in. We haven't balanced our budget 28 out of the last 34
years. We have raised our debt limit three times in the last twelve months,
and now our national debt is one and a half times bigger than all the
combined debts of all the nations in the world. We have $15 billion in gold
in our treasury--we don't own an ounce. Foreign dollar claims are $27.3
billion, and we have just had announced that the dollar of 1939 will now
purchase 45 cents in its total value.
As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like
to approach the wife or mother whose husband or son has died in South
Vietnam and ask them if they think this is a peace that should be
maintained indefinitely. Do they mean peace, or do they mean we just want
to be left in peace? There can be no real peace while one American is dying
some place in the world for the rest of us. We are at war with the most
dangerous enemy that has ever faced mankind in his long climb from the
swamp to the stars, and it has been said if we lose that war, and in doing
so lose this way of freedom of ours, history will record with the greatest
astonishment that those who had the most to lose did the least to prevent
its happening. Well, I think it's time we ask ourselves if we still know the
freedoms that were intended for us by the Founding Fathers.
Not too long ago two friends of mine were talking to a Cuban refugee, a
businessman who had escaped from Castro, and in the midst of his story one
of my friends turned to the other and said, "We don't know how lucky we
are." And the Cuban stopped and said, "How lucky you are! I had someplace
to escape to." In that sentence he told us the entire story. If we lose
freedom here, there is no place to escape to. This is the last stand on Earth.
And this idea that government is beholden to the people, that it has no
other source of power except to sovereign people, is still the newest and
most unique idea in all the long history of man's relation to man. This is the
issue of this election. Whether we believe in our capacity for
self-government or whether we abandon the American revolution and confess
that a little intellectual elite in a far-distant capital can plan our lives for
better than we can plan them ourselves.
You and I are told increasingly that we have to choose between a left or
right, but I would like to suggest that there is no such thing as a left or
right. There is only an up or down--up to a man's age-old dream, the
ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law and order--or down to the
ant heap totalitarianism, and regardless of their sincerity, their humanitarian
motives, those who would trade our freedom for security have embarked on
this downward course.
In this vote-harvesting time, they use terms like the "Great Society," or as
we were told a few days ago by the President, we must accept a "greater
government activity in the affairs of the people." But they have been a little
more explicit in the past and among themselves--and all of the things that I
now will quote have appeared in print. These are not Republican
accusations. For example, they have voices that say "the cold war will end
through acceptance of a not undemocratic socialism." Another voice says
that the profit motive has become outmoded, it must be replaced by the
incentives of the welfare state; or our traditional system of individual
freedom is incapable of solving the complex problems of the 20th century.
Senator Fullbright has said at Stanford University that the Constitution is
outmoded. He referred to the president as our moral teacher and our leader,
and he said he is hobbled in his task by the restrictions in power imposed on
him by this antiquated document. He must be freed so that he can do for us
what he knows is best. And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania, another articulate
spokesman, defines liberalism as "meeting the material needs of the masses
through the full power of centralized government." Well, I for one resent it
when a representative of the people refers to you and me--the free man and
woman of this country--as "the masses." This is a term we haven't applied
to ourselves in America. But beyond that, "the full power of centralized
government"--this was the very thing the Founding Fathers sought to
minimize. They knew that governments don't control things. A government
can't control the economy without controlling people. And they know when a
government sets out to do that, it must use force and coercion to achieve its
purpose. They also knew, those Founding Fathers, that outside of its
legitimate functions, government does nothing as well or as economically as
the private sector of the economy.
Now, we have no better example of this than the government's involvement
in the farm economy over the last 30 years. Since 1955, the cost of this
program has nearly doubled. One-fourth of farming in America is responsible
for 85% of the farm surplus. Three-fourths of farming is out on the free
market and has known a 21% increase in the per capita consumption of all
its produce. You see, that one-fourth of farming is regulated and controlled
by the federal government. In the last three years we have spent $43 in
feed grain program for every bushel of corn we don't grow.
Senator Humphrey last week charged that Barry Goldwater as President
would seek to eliminate farmers. He should do his homework a little better,
because he will find out that we have had a decline of 5 million in the farm
population under these government programs. He will also find that the
Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress an extension of
the farm program to include that three-fourths that is now free. He will find
that they have also asked for the right to imprison farmers who wouldn't
keep books as prescribed by the federal government. The Secretary of
Agriculture asked for the right to seize farms through condemnation and
resell them to other individuals. And contained in that same program was a
provision that would have allowed the federal government to remove 2
million farmers from the soil.
At the same time, there has been an increase in the Department of
Agriculture employees. There is now one for every 30 farms in the United
States, and still they can't tell us how 66 shiploads of grain headed for
Austria disappeared without a trace and Billie Sol Estes never left shore.
Every responsible farmer and farm organization has repeatedly asked the
government to free the farm economy, but who are farmers to know what is
best for them? The wheat farmers voted against a wheat program. The
government passed it anyway. Now the price of bread goes up; the price of
wheat to the farmer goes down.
Meanwhile, back in the city, under urban renewal the assault on freedom
carries on. Private property rights are so diluted that public interest is
almost anything that a few government planners decide it should be. In a
program that takes for the needy and gives to the greedy, we see such
spectacles as in Cleveland, Ohio, a million-and-a-half-dollar building
completed only three years ago must be destroyed to make way for what
government officials call a "more compatible use of the land." The President
tells us he is now going to start building public housing units in the
thousands where heretofore we have only built them in the hundreds. But
FHA and the Veterans Administration tell us that they have 120,000 housing
units they've taken back through mortgage foreclosures. For three decades,
we have sought to solve the problems of unemployment through government
planning, and the more the plans fail, the more the planners plan. The latest
is the Area Redevelopment Agency. They have just declared Rice County,
Kansas, a depressed area. Rice County, Kansas, has two hundred oil wells,
and the 14,000 people there have over $30 million on deposit in personal
savings in their banks. When the government tells you you're depressed, lie
down and be depressed.
We have so many people who can't see a fat man standing beside a thin one
without coming to the conclusion that the fat man got that way by taking
advantage of the thin one. So they are going to solve all the problems of
human misery through government and government planning. Well, now, if
government planning and welfare had the answer and they've had almost 30
years of it, shouldn't we expect government to almost read the score to us
once in a while? Shouldn't they be telling us about the decline each year in
the number of people needing help? The reduction in the need for public
But the reverse is true. Each year the need grows greater, the program
grows greater. We were told four years ago that 17 million people went to
bed hungry each night. Well, that was probably true. They were all on a diet.
But now we are told that 9.3 million families in this country are
poverty-stricken on the basis of earning less than $3,000 a year. Welfare
spending is 10 times greater than in the dark depths of the Depression. We
are spending $45 billion on welfare. Now do a little arithmetic, and you will
find that if we divided the $45 billion up equally among those 9 million poor
families, we would be able to give each family $4,600 a year, and this added
to their present income should eliminate poverty! Direct aid to the poor,
however, is running only about $600 per family. It would seem that
someplace there must be some overhead.
So now we declare "war on poverty," or "you, too, can be a Bobby Baker!"
Now, do they honestly expect us to believe that if we add $1 billion to the
$45 million we are spending...one more program to the 30-odd we have--and
remember, this new program doesn't replace any, it just duplicates existing
programs--do they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by
magic? Well, in all fairness I should explain that there is one part of the new
program that isn't duplicated. This is the youth feature. We are now going to
solve the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting something
like the old CCC camps, and we are going to put our young people in camps,
but again we do some arithmetic, and we find that we are going to spend
each year just on room and board for each young person that we help $4,700
a year! We can send them to Harvard for $2,700! Don't get me wrong. I'm
not suggesting that Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency.
But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek to help? Not too long
ago, a judge called me here in Los Angeles. He told me of a young woman
who had come before him for a divorce. She had six children, was pregnant
with her seventh. Under his questioning, she revealed her husband was a
laborer earning $250 a month. She wanted a divorce so that she could get an
$80 raise. She is eligible for $330 a month in the Aid to Dependent Children
Program. She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood who had
already done that very thing.
Yet anytime you and I question the schemes of the do-gooders, we are
denounced as being against their humanitarian goals. They say we are
always "against" things, never "for" anything. Well, the trouble with our
liberal friends is not that they are ignorant, but that they know so much that
isn't so. We are for a provision that destitution should not follow
unemployment by reason of old age, and to that end we have accepted
Social Security as a step toward meeting the problem.
But we are against those entrusted with this program when they practice
deception regarding its fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any
criticism of the program means that we want to end payments to those who
depend on them for livelihood. They have called it insurance to us in a
hundred million pieces of literature. But then they appeared before the
Supreme Court and they testified that it was a welfare program. They only
use the term "insurance" to sell it to the people. And they said Social
Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government, and the
government has used that tax. There is no fund, because Robert Byers, the
actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and admitted
that Social Security as of this moment is $298 billion in the hole. But he said
there should be no cause for worry because as long as they have the power
to tax, they could always take away from the people whatever they needed
to bail them out of trouble! And they are doing just that.
A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary...his Social
Security contribution would, in the open market, buy him an insurance policy
that would guarantee $220 a month at age 65. The government promises
$127. He could live it up until he is 31 and then take out a policy that would
pay more than Social Security. Now, are we so lacking in business sense that
we can't put this program on a sound basis so that people who do require
those payments will find that they can get them when they are due...that
the cupboard isn't bare? Barry Goldwater thinks we can.
At the same time, can't we introduce voluntary features that would permit a
citizen who can do better on his own to be excused upon presentation of
evidence that he had made provisions for the non-earning years? Should we
allow a widow with children to work, and not lose the benefits supposedly
paid for by her deceased husband? Shouldn't you and I be allowed to declare
who our beneficiaries will be under these programs, which we cannot do? I
think we are for telling our senior citizens that no one in this country should
be denied medical care because of a lack of funds. But I think we are against
forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into a compulsory government
program, especially when we have such examples, as announced last week,
when France admitted that their Medicare program was now bankrupt.
They've come to the end of the road.
In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested that
our government give up its program of deliberate planned inflation so that
when you do get your Social Security pension, a dollar will buy a dollar's
worth, and not 45 cents' worth?
I think we are for an international organization, where the nations of the
world can seek peace. But I think we are against subordinating American
interests to an organization that has become so structurally unsound that
today you can muster a two-thirds vote on the floor of the General Assembly
among the nations that represent less than 10 percent of the world's
population. I think we are against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies
because here and there they cling to a colony, while we engage in a
conspiracy of silence and never open our mouths about the millions of
people enslaved in Soviet colonies in the satellite nation.
I think we are for aiding our allies by sharing of our material blessings with
those nations which share in our fundamental beliefs, but we are against
doling out money government to government, creating bureaucracy, if not
socialism, all over the world. We set out to help 19 countries. We are
helping 107. We spent $146 billion. With that money, we bought a $2
million yacht for Haile Selassie. We bought dress suits for Greek
undertakers, extra wives for Kenyan government officials. We bought a
thousand TV sets for a place where they have no electricity. In the last six
years, 52 nations have bought $7 billion worth of our gold, and all 52 are
receiving foreign aid from this country.
No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size. Government programs,
once launched, never disappear. Actually, a government bureau is the
nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever see on this Earth. Federal employees
number 2.5 million, and federal, state, and local, one out of six of the
nation's work force is employed by the government. These proliferating
bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our
constitutional safeguards. How many of us realize that today federal agents
can invade a man's property without a warrant? They can impose a fine
without a formal hearing, let alone a trial by jury, and they can seize and
sell his property in auction to enforce the payment of that fine. In Chico
County, Arkansas, James Wier overplanted his rice allotment. The
government obtained a $17,000 judgment, and a U.S. marshal sold his
950-acre farm at auction. The government said it was necessary as a
warning to others to make the system work. Last February 19 at the
University of Minnesota, Norman Thomas, six-time candidate for President
on the Socialist Party ticket, said, "If Barry Goldwater became President, he
would stop the advance of socialism in the United States." I think that's
exactly what he will do.
As a former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn't the only man who
has drawn this parallel to socialism with the present administration. Back in
1936, Mr. Democrat himself, Al Smith, the great American, came before the
American people and charged that the leadership of his party was taking the
part of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down the road under the banners of
Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. And he walked away from his party, and he never
returned to the day he died, because to this day, the leadership of that
party has been taking that party, that honorable party, down the road in the
image of the labor socialist party of England. Now it doesn't require
expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to impose
socialism on a people. What does it mean whether you hold the deed or the
title to your business or property if the government holds the power of life
and death over that business or property? Such machinery already exists.
The government can find some charge to bring against any concern it
chooses to prosecute. Every businessman has his own tale of harassment.
Somewhere a perversion has taken place. Our natural, inalienable rights are
now considered to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never
been so fragile, so close to slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment.
Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues. They want
to make you and I believe that this is a contest between two men...that we
are to choose just between two personalities.
Well, what of this man that they would destroy? And in destroying, they
would destroy that which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold dear.
Is he the brash and shallow and trigger-happy man they say he is? Well, I
have been privileged to know him "when." I knew him long before he ever
dreamed of trying for high office, and I can tell you personally I have never
known a man in my life I believe so incapable of doing a dishonest or
This is a man who in his own business, before he entered politics, instituted
a profit-sharing plan, before unions had ever thought of it. He put in health
and medical insurance for all his employees. He took 50 percent of the
profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all
his employees. He sent checks for life to an employee who was ill and
couldn't work. He provided nursing care for the children of mothers who work
in the stores. When Mexico was ravaged by floods from the Rio Grande, he
climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there.
An ex-GI told me how he met him. It was the week before Christmas during
the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying to get a ride
home to Arizona for Christmas, and he said that there were a lot of
servicemen there and no seats available on the planes. Then a voice came
over the loudspeaker and said, "Any men in uniform wanting a ride to
Arizona, go to runway such-and-such," and they went down there, and there
was this fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane. Every day in the
weeks before Christmas, all day long, he would load up the plane, fly to
Arizona, fly them to their homes, then fly back over to get another load.
During the hectic split-second timing of a campaign, this is a man who took
time out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of cancer. His campaign
managers were understandably impatient, but he said, "There aren't many
left who care what happens to her. I'd like her to know I care." This is a man
who said to his 19-year-old son, "There is no foundation like the rock of
honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life upon that rock,
with the cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real
start." This is not a man who could carelessly send other people's sons to
war. And that is the issue of this campaign that makes all of the other
problems I have discussed academic, unless we realize that we are in a war
that must be won.
Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen of the welfare state
have told us that they have a utopian solution of peace without victory. They
call their policy "accommodation." And they say if we only avoid any direct
confrontation with the enemy, he will forget his evil ways and learn to love
us. All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers. They say we offer
simple answers to complex problems. Well, perhaps there is a simple
answer--not an easy answer--but simple.
If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials that we want our
national policy based upon what we know in our hearts is morally right. We
cannot buy our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb by
committing an immorality so great as saying to a billion now in slavery
behind the Iron Curtain, "Give up your dreams of freedom because to save
our own skin, we are willing to make a deal with your slave masters."
Alexander Hamilton said, "A nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is
prepared for a master, and deserves one." Let's set the record straight.
There is no argument over the choice between peace and war, but there is
only one guaranteed way you can have peace--and you can have it in the
Admittedly there is a risk in any course we follow other than this, but every
lesson in history tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement, and this
is the specter our well-meaning liberal friends refuse to face--that their
policy of accommodation is appeasement, and it gives no choice between
peace and war, only between fight and surrender. If we continue to
accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we have to face the
final demand--the ultimatum. And what then? When Nikita Khrushchev has
told his people he knows what our answer will be? He has told them that we
are retreating under the pressure of the Cold War, and someday when the
time comes to deliver the ultimatum, our surrender will be voluntary because
by that time we will have weakened from within spiritually, morally, and
economically. He believes this because from our side he has heard voices
pleading for "peace at any price" or "better Red than dead," or as one
commentator put it, he would rather "live on his knees than die on his feet."
And therein lies the road to war, because those voices don't speak for the
rest of us. You and I know and do not believe that life is so dear and peace
so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery. If nothing in
life is worth dying for, when did this begin--just in the face of this enemy?
Or should Moses have told the children of Israel to live in slavery under the
pharaohs? Should Christ have refused the cross? Should the patriots at
Concord Bridge have thrown down their guns and refused to fire the shot
heard 'round the world? The martyrs of history were not fools, and our
honored dead who gave their lives to stop the advance of the Nazis didn't
die in vain. Where, then, is the road to peace? Well, it's a simple answer
You and I have the courage to say to our enemies, "There is a price we will
not pay." There is a point beyond which they must not advance. This is the
meaning in the phrase of Barry Goldwater's "peace through strength."
Winston Churchill said that "the destiny of man is not measured by material
computation. When great forces are on the move in the world, we learn we
are spirits--not animals." And he said, "There is something going on in time
and space, and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not,
You and I have a rendezvous with destiny. We will preserve for our children
this, the last best hope of man on Earth, or we will sentence them to take
the last step into a thousand years of darkness.
We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us. He
has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to
make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.
Thank you very much.
Carrie was established in June of 1993.